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A city council said bin-raiding by people looking for bottles and cans had cost it half a million euro last year, leaving already-collected rubbish strewn around the streets.

A briefing document said the Deposit Return Scheme, operated by Re-turn, forced staff to clean up waste from city streets twice over.

Its waste management section estimated that three hours in every 24-hour cleaning cycle were being diverted to deal with “bin interference.”

The document said the council had placed bin surrounds on receptacles to try and encourage people to deposit cans and bottles there.

However, these had little impact and were instead being used for general litter disposal including coffee cups, drink cartons, and cigarettes.

A breakdown of costs said Dublin City Council had spent more than €115,000 replacing locks on ‘Big Belly’ bins at a cost of €995 per receptacle.

The council had placed surrounds on a total of 110 bins at a cost of around €40,000 even though this ultimately proved of limited use.

It said there were ongoing daily costs from the Re-turn scheme with staff forced to remove torn bags, collect scattered waste, and return to areas already cleaned.

The briefing document said: “The estimated cost of this diverted staff and fleet time is approximately €351,000 per annum.”

The briefing – prepared earlier this year – said costs for Dublin City Council were already in the order of €857,000.

And it predicted a further €351,000 bill for 2026 as staff would continue to be diverted to clean up already-collected waste.

The document said: “These figures are indicative but represent a reasonable estimate of the direct costs currently being incurred … and are likely to continue unless a solution is reached to this problem.”

Dublin City Council said there were wider impacts including a “negative visual impact” on the streets of the capital and damage to the city’s reputation and image.

It said litter created a reduced perception of safety and had a “potential impact on tourism and visitor experience.”

The local authority acknowledged that the scheme had been successful on a wider scale, increasing recycling rates for plastic bottles and cans.

However, it said the impact in Dublin’s city centre had been limited with “no significant differences” in street sweepings collected.

The city council said the objectives of Re-turn were good but that it was creating “significant operational challenges.”

“The primary issue arises from the fact that returnable bottles and cans have become a monetary commodity, creating an incentive for individuals to recover containers from public litter bins,” it explained.

The council said one suggestion would be to restrict access to deposit rebates to households with registered waste collection contracts.

However, it admitted this was not a perfect solution: “While this may reduce opportunistic scavenging, it would also limit access to the scheme for some members of the public.”

The briefing was prepared ahead of a meeting between officials from the local authority and representatives of the Re-turn scheme earlier this year.

Dublin City Council included photos of bin surrounds stuffed with rubbish that was not recyclable under the scheme.

The Department of Agriculture was worried about “panic buying” of fertiliser by Irish farmers with the country badly exposed to the fallout from the Middle East conflict.

A series of briefings said Morocco, Ireland’s main supplier of phosphate, relied heavily on goods coming through the blockaded Strait of Hormuz.

It said that while there was production in Europe, countries like Spain and France would be looking after their own domestic markets first.

A briefing note from March said: “Ireland, as an import-dependent island, is structurally vulnerable.”

It explained how more than a third of Ireland’s annual fertiliser requirement was yet to be secured as extreme uncertainty grew over availability and price.

The documents said that proposed carbon levies on high-carbon imports like fertiliser had “ironically” left the country less exposed than it might have been.

Because the industry expected price increases, they had already purchased “significant volumes of product.”

The briefing said: “It is understood that there may be sufficient fertiliser stock to last to mid-April.”

It said many farmers had followed the same logic and had forward-bought product, meaning a price “shock” might be less severe than expected.

One briefing note said: “Large co-ops such as [redacted] said that they have sufficient stock to meet existing orders but have limited scope for new orders.

“However, there will be a cohort of farmers that will face a price squeeze for their 2026 fertiliser needs.”

It explained how some major importers and blenders had already withdrawn their fertiliser sales lists due to uncertainty.

Industry representatives said they were finding it difficult to source product and that there was evidence of price increases.

The document added: “This will lead to more uncertainty in the Irish market with farmers having little visibility on price and no means to ‘shop around’.

“Any element of ‘panic’ buying may reduce estimates of fertiliser availability.”

A fresh briefing from later in March said some co-ops were also hedging their bets, fearful of paying high prices only for the war to end quickly.

It said they did not want to get left with “high-cost stock” and that created uncertainty over fertiliser supplies for the rest of 2026.

Another official note prepared ahead of an EU meeting explained just how vulnerable farmers were to a major hike in prices.

It said: “Fertiliser costs vary by production system, but by way of example, on Irish tillage farms, expenditure on fertiliser accounted for more than 25% of the average tillage farm’s direct costs of production.

“On livestock farms, expenditure accounts for between 12% and 15% of direct costs of production and 6% and 7% of total costs of production.”

The note said Ireland would support European Union efforts to ease the burden on farmers by reducing carbon levies if needed.

One briefing from late March said that because Ireland had little direct trade with the Middle East for agricultural inputs, disruption to international supply chains was the major risk.

It said there would be “heightened competition” for supplies with demand shifting to the “safer trade routes” already used here.

The briefing warned of a “severe scenario” with a general shock to global supply and demand.

“This would pose risks for farm cashflows, margins and yields, with downstream impacts for farm incomes, feed markets, livestock and crop production, biofuels, retail food prices and food security,” it added.

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A business case for the State’s €148 million purchase of the Citywest complex described the site as a peaceful “exemplary model” of asylum accommodation just months before a riot took place outside.

The ‘Project Echo’ document – prepared by consultants KPMG – said the centre in Dublin had “notably” avoided the protests and unrest that were seen at other IPAS centres.

The report said: “This peaceful environment contrasts sharply with the widespread protests and incidents of arson reported at other locations.”

The business case also highlighted potential for major expansion of asylum seeker accommodation at Citywest despite public assurances that capacity would not increase.

It said the controversial purchase would allow for extensive reconfiguration of the former hotel to provide extra space.

It said the inclusion of two other parcels of land would also offer flexibility, with one potentially developed as a solar farm to supply energy on-site and another site available for accommodation or housing.

The business case said: “The Citywest hotel, leisure centre and convention centre all have the potential to provide for significant additional space due to the opportunity of reconfiguring spaces from original intended uses.

“Furthermore, the 12.14-hectare development site can be utilised for further IP [international protection] accommodation or the development of longer-term housing solutions.”

When the purchase was announced by government, however, the Department of Justice said there were no plans “to increase the capacity” there.

An information note said if any further emergency use or further capacity development were required, they would engage with local representatives and South Dublin County Council.

The statement added: “The purchase should not lead to increased pressure on local services or the community.”

The KPMG business case also described how the Citywest complex itself contained extensive empty space that could be repurposed for accommodation if needed.

It said there was “significant unused internal space” across the hotel, the convention centre, and its leisure centre.

The document said: “This reconfiguration wasn’t practical under a licence agreement but if the assets are purchased, the currently unused space will allow for ample additional space for accommodation, internal offices and associated operations.”

The business case said Citywest had up until then proved an “exemplary model” with an absence of disturbances.

It said it was an ideal site for accommodating refugees and was a “stable and secure environment for those seeking asylum.”

Last October, however, violent clashes broke out with gardaí outside the complex after the alleged sexual assault of a 10-year-old girl near the hotel.

The officer leading the policing operation later said the disorder had been “orchestrated and pre-planned online.”

The KPMG business case also said the outright €148 million purchase of the complex made most sense economically, with the Government later saying it would pay for itself within four years.

Not all documents relating to the purchase were released and the case has been appealed by Right to Know.

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The State’s ability to deliver billions of euros worth of transport infrastructure is being compromised by acute skills shortages, ageing workers, and a building sector dominated by small firms.

A board paper said productivity was still well below Celtic Tiger peaks and that there was poor uptake of modern methods of construction.

The National Transport Authority (NTA) document said delivery of Ireland’s complex transport projects – with more than €24 billion in planned investment over the next five years – was a “significant risk.”

It said: “Without targeted and timely interventions, Ireland’s ability to deliver on its infrastructure ambitions will be constrained by acute skills shortages, capacity bottlenecks, and rising costs.”

The paper said construction productivity was still “20 percent below pre-crash levels” and one-third lower than international benchmarks.

It said a “boom-bust dynamic” discouraged companies from investing in skills and technology while complex planning processes drove inefficiency.

The NTA briefing said there were persistent gaps in trying to recruit project managers, engineers, and skilled trades workers.

“Employers have responded with salary increases and hiring for potential rather than experience, but these measures alone cannot resolve the structural deficit,” it explained.

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Nearly 4,400 scheduled procedures for children were cancelled over the past three years for reasons including lack of beds, patients being too unwell, and clinical decisions.

Figures from Children’s Health Ireland show that more than 700 operations did not proceed because a “ward bed [was] not available.”

However, the number of surgeries being cancelled has dropped substantially, according to data released under FOI.

In 2023, there were almost 1,800 procedures that did not go ahead, which fell to 1,575 in 2024.

Last year, the figure was 1,031 and there were just 82 planned operations called off due to the unavailability of a bed.

In the past three years, the figures show that 463 procedures were called off because a parent or guardian cancelled them.

There were 395 cases where a clinical decision was made not to proceed and at least 21 surgeries where equipment was not available.

A total of 57 procedures were cancelled because there were not enough clinical staff available but there were none of those last year.

Children’s Health Ireland said 117 operations did not go ahead due to the unavailability of an intensive care or high dependency bed.

However, that figure has also dropped markedly from 70 in 2023 to 36 in 2024, before falling even further last year to 11.

There were at least 31 cases where a parent or patient refused to go ahead with a procedure.

The largest category of cancellations arose where the patient was not medically fit enough to go through with the operation.

Altogether, there were around 1,100 in that category but with the same obvious drop in numbers in 2025.

A very small number of operations did not proceed where the patient was uncontactable.

However, Children’s Health Ireland declined to say how many cases were involved because the numbers were so low, saying it could disclose information about individual people.

There were 424 cases where a children’s hospital was ready to proceed with a procedure, but the patient did not turn up.

Around 320 scheduled operations were cancelled where medical review found the child no longer needed the planned procedure.

At least 29 cases were recorded where a patient had not properly fasted from food in advance of their appointment.

Children’s Health Ireland (CHI) also logged 126 cases where a procedure did not go ahead because the child needed further medical assessment.

At least 11 operations were cancelled where the operation beforehand went over time.

There were also 116 cases where priority was given to an emergency patient and at least 21 instances where the procedure was carried out elsewhere.

The records also showed at least 14 cases where the hospital schedule was overbooked and a very small number of cases where there were technical works.

CHI added there were around 400 surgeries cancelled for a combination of several different reasons of the type already reported above.

It said they could not provide a breakdown of the type or category of operation that was planned in each case.

The children’s hospital group said providing that data would involve examining so many individual patient records that it would cause a substantial and unreasonable interference with its work.

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Fees paid to people sitting on interview and assessment panels for public sector jobs topped €2 million in the space of a year, with two individuals earning more than €40,000 each for their work.

Figures from the publicjobs service detail how €1.32 million of the total was shared among retired civil or public sector staff in 2024.

A further €544,000 was paid to people from the private sector while semi-state employees, mostly retired, shared a total of €160,000 in fees.

There was also a small total of €13,700 for retired academics, people from the charity sector, public servants from different countries, and other miscellaneous individuals.

The overall spend in 2024 was €2.035 million, which covered interviews, shortlisting, and other assessment exercises, including the 15,803 interviews carried out that year.

Two people earned more than €40,000 for their work on interview panels, according to figures released under FOI laws.

One retired civil or public servant received €43,365 while a retired semi-state employee was paid €42,525 in fees.

There were four others who earned fees of between €30,000 and €40,000, two from the private sector, one retired public servant, and one retired semi-state worker.

Eleven others earned between €20,000 and €30,000 – many of them ex-public sector staff.

The publicjobs figures showed that fifty people received in excess of €12,350 in fees for their work sitting on interview panels in 2024.

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Government officials were told to stay silent about a charter deportation flight removing convicted criminals from Ireland until it had safely completed its journey.

Department of Justice records show the operation, which saw 33 EU nationals flown to Poland and Lithuania, was treated as highly sensitive, with a direction that no statements should be issued until both landings had been successfully completed.

The documents also reveal that 113 gardaí were on board and that some of those deported, including sex offenders, were released early from prison sentences.

The €151,000 charter flight in January was described as carrying a far higher risk than previous large-scale deportations.

An internal email said: “This is a more difficult and complex operation than previous removals given the profile of the persons being removed and the fact that there are two disembarkation locations.

“For that reason, we advise that there should be no public commentary until we have confirmation of the successful disembarkation at the second location.”

A note from the Justice Minister Jim O’Callaghan said: “Once confirmation has been received that the flight has landed in Lithuania, my statement and then the garda one can be issued.”

The records also detail how twenty of those deported were serving prison sentences at the time, with some released early.

However, in cases of sexual assault, their victims had been contacted and told of the plans, according to a ministerial briefing document.

It explained how together, those on board had amassed more than 1,000 criminal charges including for sex offences, drug supply, and organised crime.

It said the 33 people – 31 men and 2 women – were issued with exclusion orders of between one and ten years.

Of the 20 taken directly from jail, the individuals were released on average 4.5 months early from their sentence.

A Q&A for Minister O’Callaghan included a suggested response if asked about letting sex offenders out early: “No person with convictions for sex offences were removed without consultation with the respective injured party.

If pressed on whether it was appropriate, a recommended answer read: “All persons convicted of sexual assault were released close to the end of their custodial sentence and were given significant exclusions orders to remain outside the State.

“We hope that this will give extra relief to the victims knowing that the perpetrator was removed from the State.”

The minister was also prepped on whether publicising removal operations was necessary and if there was a risk of stigmatising the communities involved.

A suggested response said the “vast majority of people” coming to Ireland – including those from Lithuania and Poland – were “law-abiding, hardworking and exemplary people.”

It added: “We are informing the public about these removals, so they know that being a member of the EU does not mean we have to host criminals without recourse.”

The briefing also said there would be further charter operations within the European Union targeting repeat offenders.

It explained that along with gardaí, there was a human rights monitor, a translator, and a medical team on board.

The records also show how the department opted to include a price tag of €122,000 in a press release about the flight.

However, the actual bill was around €151,000 when VAT was included, although the extra tax will have been cost neutral for the State.

Asked about the operation, a Department of Justice spokesperson said: “The removal of people who are involved in criminality and those who are a danger to society is a priority for the Minister.

“The Department works closely with An Garda Síochána and the Irish Prison Service to ensure high risk persons are prioritised for removal from Ireland.”

The spokesperson said EU removals took place after a full assessment of the person’s individual circumstances including length of residence, integration, age, and health.

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Restoration work on one of the country’s most famous homes, the Provost’s House at Trinity College Dublin, could cost up to €2.6 million.

A conservation action plan said around €676,000 needed to be spent without delay on roof and window repairs and works to the building’s façade.

It said a further spend of more than €190,000 would be required in the medium term, including repairs to a saloon ceiling from which plaster was falling.

The report added longer-term works would also be needed to address other roof issues and carry out repairs to the front façade.

Overall, the full set of works could cost €2.59 million, based on 2024 construction costs that are likely to have risen since.

It said the most urgent works should be “progressed without delay” or the fabric of the Grafton Street building would be at risk.

Documents released under FOI show that upkeep of the property has cost €290,000 over the past four years.

Costs were highest in 2022 when €188,000 was spent including €6,700 for antique furniture repairs and more than €1,600 for wallpaper.

A further €5,675 was spent on the painting of a metal balcony while granite wall repairs cost almost €20,000.

A sum of €27,500 was paid for specialist asbestos removal, €2,000 for bespoke glass shower screens, and €550 for a new washing machine.

Expenditure in 2023 totalled around €51,000 including €22,600 in redecoration costs and €5,600 for repairs to the boardroom table.

Another €46,500 was spent in 2024 – with around half of that relating to the conservation report itself, which found significant works will be required.

Spending last year totalled just €4,200, covering costs for painting, window cleaning, brass butt hinges, and alarm maintenance.

The main conservation action plan was stark in its findings, saying far greater expenditure would be needed for windows, the roof, and the façade.

It said paint finishes and putty had “perished” in window frames and that restoration work “should not be delayed.”

The report said works to the façade would be complicated, but that stone would continue to decay without intervention.

“This will result in the preventable loss of any sound stones left in the wall today,” it said.

It said the condition of all parts of the roof would need to be addressed, with leadwork and an asphalt roof deemed highest priority.

The report added: “Copper flat roofs elsewhere will also require replacement when the occasional leaks repaired using temporary repairs become unviable so that the roof timbers are protected from damp.”

Asked about the records, a spokeswoman for the university said: “The Provost’s House, built in 1759, is a protected structure and Trinity has an obligation to ensure its upkeep.”

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Around 270 gardaí were off duty every day last year because of accidents, road traffic crashes, and assaults suffered while on the job.

New figures show a sharp rise in the number of gardaí missing work due to injuries suffered at work.

Overall, members of An Garda Síochána took almost 270,000 sick days last year – the equivalent of around 740 per day.

The number of days lost to illness rose nearly 5 percent compared to 2024, when the figure was just over 257,000.

There was, however, a 17 percent climb in sick leave taken by gardaí who suffered accidental injuries on duty.

Altogether, almost 71,000 days were lost in that category with a further 8,129 days of illness due to road traffic incidents at work.

Over 19,000 sick days were taken as a result of malicious injuries suffered on duty, figures released under FOI show.

There were 36,500 days lost to critical illness and 38,500 days attributed to flu or other viral illnesses including COVID-19.

Mental health accounted for nearly 1,600 lost days; however, that figure was down substantially compared to 2024.

Around 5,800 sick days were taken for musculoskeletal issues and 8,305 for surgery, or post-operative recovery.

An Garda Síochána also logged 1,037 days of leave for post-pregnancy and 5,063 for pregnancy-related illness or unavailability for work.

There were around 67,500 days of sickness that were categorised either as “not provided” or “other” in the records.

Asked about the data, a garda spokesman said that while the total number of sick days had increased, much of that was attributable to injuries on duty.

“This reflects the unpredictable and dangerous nature of frontline duties undertaken by gardaí nationwide on a daily basis,” he said.

The spokesman said there had also been a notable increase in absence due to critical illness, which often involved lengthy periods of sickness for a smaller number of gardaí.

A decrease in mental-health related absence was also evident while figures for ordinary sickness tended to “fluctuate on a day-to-day basis.”

He said managing illness and injury on duty was a key priority at both local and national level and personnel were fully supported by An Garda Síochána with a variety of welfare supports.

The spokesman added: “Only early this month Garda Commissioner Justin Kelly highlighted how gardaí need to be protected when carrying out their duties.

“He is also on record pointing out the physical danger and associated risks to health that is part of being a member of An Garda Síochána working to keep people and communities safe.

“As well as the physical danger, shift work, long hours of duty and working outdoors often in poor weather conditions also add to potential health risks for operational members.”

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Government plans to cap legal fees in planning and environmental cases were opposed by 98 percent of more than 1,400 respondents to a public consultation.

A review document said there was overwhelming opposition to changes that could weaken “fundamental legal safeguards” when taking cases to protect the environment.

Submissions pointed out the high rate of success in legal challenges and said that while “vexatious litigation” did occur, it was rare.

Changes to the rules around judicial reviews form a key part of government plans to accelerate infrastructure development in Ireland.

Under their proposals, cost protections would be watered down, leaving members of the public exposed to the risk of significantly higher costs from taking cases.

The number of judicial reviews being taken fell by around 20 percent last year, while a growing proportion of cases were taken by landowners and property developers.

The public consultation on government plans took place in December and January with the Department of Climate saying it was “very successful.”

Some of those who responded suggested the government’s plans could be contrary to EU law and the Aarhus Convention on protecting the environment.

The review document said: “Respondents suggested that where a public body is unsuccessful in proceedings before a court because its decision is found to be unlawful, it does not deserve protection in relation to litigation costs.”

It added: “They argued that it was the public body’s own action that created the need for litigation in the first place.”

Other submissions said changing the rules around fees would have no impact on State organisations, which could always rely on taxpayer funds to fight cases.

People taking challenges, however, would be left trying to get enough technical or legal advice to bring a case forward.

Even if they were successful, they could face a large bill.

A summary of the small number of submissions in favour of the proposal said judicial review was causing delays and that this was “imposing a real and measurable cost on society.”

One respondent estimated that 37,000 homes were delayed by legal challenges and there was “little financial risk” involved for litigants.

Some suggested the proposals did not go far enough.

“Concern was expressed that the proposed scale of fees is more generous than legislated for in the UK. It was suggested that the cap be reviewed so that it is not out of step with our nearest neighbour,” the summary said.

Asked about the report, a spokesperson for the Department of Climate said: “The scale of fees proposal acknowledges that a requirement of the Aarhus Convention is that access to justice must not be ‘prohibitively expensive’.

“The scale of fees will bring a clear, predictable cost framework for applicants taking judicial reviews and the public bodies who may have to pay the costs.

“We want to prevent unpredictable costs for the taxpayer and reduce the financial burden flowing from prolonged delays to public infrastructure.”

https://embed.documentcloud.org/documents/28062676-report-summary-scale-of-fees-submissions/?embed=1&title=1